I have an op-ed in today's Times about nationalised forestry
in the UK:
Since its plans to sell off much of the Forestry Commission's
land were leaked the press last October, the government has found
itself subject to a sustained lobbying campaign. The commission has
wheeled out its friends to tell the press what an irreplaceable
paragon of environmental virtue it is, and specifically how much
access to the countryside will be lost if its land is sold.
I have learned that when the government's proposals are put to
public consultation next week, this particular charge will be found
to be simply wrong. All sales of land will be subject to the same
access provisions as now. So the hyperventilating lobbyists, from
ramblers to baronesses, can calm down: the Forest of Dean will not
suddenly be closed. It was the Labour government that was quietly
selling Forestry Commission land in recent years with no such
public-access requirement.
The access row is a smokescreen to cover old-fashioned
bureaucratic self-preservation. The Forestry Commission is keen to
remain a cosy nationalised monopoly. With more than two million
acres (600,000 in England) and over 50% of timber production, plus
100% untrammelled power to set the rules of the industry it
competes in and dominates, the Forestry Commission is a walking
conflict of interest. It is like the Bank of England running a huge
high-street bank, or the BBC owning Ofcom.
The Forestry Commission is also an anachronism. Founded in 1919
- before even the BBC - to avert a shortage of pit props in future
wars should submarines intercept imports from Canada, it has long
since outlived any justification for its existence. That timber is
a `strategic' product too important to be left to the market is a
risible argument - food, water, oil and memory chips are just as
strategic, yet nobody sensible wants them nationalised. As Adam
Smith would point out, Britain's trade deficit in timber no more
justifies a policy of state-supported forestry than a trade deficit
in bananas justifies a policy of state-supported hothouses.
Though it has plenty of good people, like all nationalised
industries the Forestry Commission has shown itself to be deaf to
its customers' preferences. Staggeringly, it has nearly always run
at a loss. Even last year, with buoyant timber prices thanks to
subsidised biofuel boondoggles, its loss on your behalf - or `net
operating cost' as its accounts call it - was £75m. To own nearly
ten times as much land as a top duke and yet lose money is quite a
feat. When New Zealand privatised its forest industry in the 1990s,
the result was a painful readjustment followed by a surge into
profitability and export markets.
The Forestry Commission is also -like all near-monopolies -
sluggish at innovation. New markets for wood, new ways of managing
land, new research into pests and new recreational and
environmental practices seep in slowly, mostly from abroad and
preceded by much meeting of committees and writing of reports.
Monopoly is no more excusable in the public than the private
sector.
A few years ago the commissioners quietly ditched the commercial
arguments for their continuing existence under a banner called
`multipurpose forestry' - whose single purpose was to re-invent the
Forestry Commission as an environmental champion that therefore did
not need to be profitable. For the body that submerged vast tracts
of heather moorland in the hills under blankets of closed-canopy
sitka spruce and useless lodgepole pine, and also tore the heart of
out of many ancient semi-natural woods in the lowlands to put in
straight rows of alien conifers, this took some cheek. It is a
stark fact that in the twentieth century semi-natural woodland had
a far better chance of staying that way in private hands than if it
belonged to the Forestry Commission.
True, in recent years the commission has been planting more
hardwoods, clear-felling less brutally and putting in nature
trails. But the countryside is now full of people called
millionaires prepared to manage woods to encourage biodiversity for
free, without charging taxpayers.
The idea put about by the lobbying celebrities that land sold by
the Forestry Commission will be `destroyed' is nonsense. As a
regulator, the Forestry Commission already bosses private woodland
owners too, micro-managing every felling and planting decision. Far
from being pro-biodiversity, it is often determined to make the
private owner plant unsuitable species in straight lines. When I
wanted to encourage the abundant natural regeneration of birch
after felling some futile sitka spruce, it took years of begging
and appeals to the top brass before the bureaucracy would bend its
rules. I now have a lovely birch wood thick with cowslips and
willow warblers.
When privatisation was threatened in the early 1990s the
Commission mobilised many Tory landowners, from dukes downwards, to
help fend off the threat. I suspect that will not happen this time:
landowners see the Forestry Commission as a remote, centralised,
officious, one-size-fits-all policeman, that only enters their life
with a clipboard in hand and a homily about carbon dioxide on his
lips.
What's this? Hardly had I finished the above sentence than there
dropped on the mat yesterday a letter from the Forestry Commission
informing (not asking) me that they would be sending somebody to my
wood to survey it in order `to help the United Kingdom meet
international commitments, such as reporting for the Global Forest
Resources Assessment and the Ministerial Conference on the
Protection of Forests in Europe (MCPFE)' while `estimating how much
carbon is stored in Britain's forests'. Thus do bureaucracies spend
our money reporting to each other in times of austerity.
If the government really believes in localism and the big
society, it will break the Forestry estate into fragments, selling
some like Kielder (the largest man-made forest in Europe) to
private commercial timber producers, others to private investors
such as pension funds and still others like the `heritage forests'
of the New Forest and the Forest of Dean to local authorities,
trusts and voluntary bodies to manage. Diverse entrepreneurial
energy will then get to work to make some forests profitable, some
beautiful and some a mixture of the two. Let a thousand woods
bloom, as Mao would say.